Why does the Congolese National Assembly remain silent in the face of the growing security crisis in the east of the country?

### The National Assembly of the DRC: Silence and indifference in front of the Eastern Security Storm

The east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is plagued by an acute security crisis, exacerbated by the advancement of armed groups, including M23/AFC, often accused of benefiting from external support, in particular Rwanda. However, despite the seriousness of the situation, the National Assembly seems to be concerned about other priorities, as evidenced by the recent report of the Congolese Research Institute on Policy, Governance and Violence (EBUTELI) via its Talatala tool. This study reveals a deep dissonance between the emergency of the situation and the inaction of the Parliament, where out of the 170 parliamentary control initiatives filed between September and December 2024, only seven were scheduled, and none of them focused on security.

#### Ascending silence: a disconnected parliament

It is difficult to interpret this passivity, especially when you know that several security related issues have been raised by deputies, including direct issues to the Ministers of Defense and the Interior. Élie Kambale, elected national deputy of Beni, sounded the alarm on the situation in North Kivu and in Ituri, but these concerns remained a dead letter before a parliament which, despite its prerogatives, seems to have chosen to remain silent. This shocking silence intensifies with the fall of Goma, a tragic event which finally prompted a reaction of the Parliament: the organization of an extraordinary session.

This inability to deal with a timely security issues raises broader questions about the very structure of the government and its priorities. Why does it seem necessary to wait for a disaster before summoning essential discussions? The situation presents an alarming reflection of a parliamentary institution which could be perceived as disconnected from the realities on the ground.

#### Maximum efforts for a minimum impact

Analysis of the figures put forward by Talatala shows a striking contrast between the theoretical commitment of deputies and their possibility of impact. With 170 initiatives, this record indicates an interest in governance and parliamentary control. However, the practical implications of these initiatives are very limited: barely 4 % of the initiatives were examined in plenary. This figure poses a crucial question about the efficiency and functionality of the National Assembly in a context where responsibility and transparency are more crucial than ever.

In other words, even when parliamentarians try to grasp critical issues, the system hinders their ability to act. Where we could hope for a constructive dialogue, even an enlightened debate, the Assembly seems immobilized by a paralyzing bureaucracy which deprives it of its traditional role of representative of the population and guardian of national interests.

### a reflection on governance and leadership

Beyond the security emergency, this situation highlights more structural problems linked to governance in the DRC. The drifts mentioned by the Talatala report are symptomatic of a political culture where dialogue seems less and less privileged in the face of other forms of governance, supporting the idea that the National Assembly could benefit from institutional reform. These are not just questions of parliamentary procedure that are at stake, but also transparency, presentation of accounts and representation.

The establishment of a mixed commission after the fall of Goma could appear as an attempt to catch up to respond to this growing popular distrust. However, this retrofit raises the question of the credibility of each parliamentary and executive actor involved in this process. How can we trust an institution which, for months, ignored the cries of distress of the citizens of the affected areas?

### Complementary statistics and information

By reporting on these issues, these figures should also be placed in a broader context. According to local and international NGO reports, the situation in the east of the country continues to worsen, with millions of displaced people and human rights violations that are increasing every day. The support and attention of the international community, often punctual, should also not mask the pressing need for local leadership which knows how to articulate an adapted and adequate response.

Finally, case studies in other countries in crisis, such as Liberia or Sierra Leone, show that the resolution of conflicts requires not only military interventions, but also a strong political will within democratic institutions. The absence of parliamentary debate on the security crisis in the DRC could cost dearly in terms of legitimacy and efficiency, leaving critical decisions only to soldiers and to often timid diplomacy.

### Conclusion

In this complex table, the Congolese parliament is at a crucial crossroads. Between a need for immediate action before the security collapse and a desire for institutional transformation, it is imperative that it redefines its role. To really respond to the aspirations of the Congolese people and sail towards a sustainable crisis, it is urgent that parliamentarians are seriously and responsibility for the questions that prepare the future of their nation. The disaster cannot be the only source of political determination.

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